3.1.2
Model essay [25]

Impact of Deflation, and Whether Oil Exporters Should Use Fiscal Stimulus or Target Its Sources

Answer

Part (a)

Deflation is a sustained fall in the general price level. Its impact is double-edged and depends on its cause.

Consumers. Positively, deflation raises the internal value of money — the same income buys more goods and services, raising real purchasing power and welfare. Negatively, if the deflation stems from falling aggregate demand, the accompanying fall in output and rise in unemployment lowers incomes and purchasing power, reducing consumption and welfare.

General price level (GPL)Real national output (RNO)AD₀AD₁ASY₁P₀
Demand-side deflation. Aggregate demand falls AD₀→AD₁; the general price level falls from P₀ to P₁ and real output falls from Y₀ to Y₁, raising demand-deficient unemployment and lowering incomes.

Producers. Positively, if the deflation is supply-driven — a rise in AS from cheaper inputs (e.g. lower crude oil) or better factors — producers enjoy lower unit costs and higher profits. Negatively, if it is demand-driven or prolonged, consumers postpone purchases (expecting still-lower prices), so firms’ revenue and profit fall as demand contracts. The net effect therefore hinges on whether the deflation comes from rising supply (benign, cost-reducing) or falling demand (harmful, recessionary) — and the case described, driven by demand-deficient weakness, is the harmful kind.

Part (b)

The thesis is that oil exporters should first use measures that directly target the sources of the deflation — falling oil prices and rentals — rather than rely on fiscal stimulus, because the very cause of the deflation (collapsed oil revenue) has hollowed out the fiscal capacity that stimulus requires.

Expansionary fiscal policy. Raising government spending or cutting taxes would raise AD and reverse the deflation.

General price level (GPL)Real national output (RNO)AD₁AD₂ASP₁
Expansionary fiscal policy against deflation. Higher G (and C, I) shifts AD₁→AD₂; the general price level rises from P₁ back towards P₀ and output recovers.

But the limitations are severe here. The preamble states the deflation arose because falling oil revenue reduced public spending — so the government has little budget to raise GG. Saudi Arabia has no personal income tax, so there is no rate to cut to raise consumption; cutting corporate tax may not lift investment much if the outlook is poor, and in oil exporters GG and XX, not II, dominate AD. Fiscal stimulus is thus constrained precisely by the cause of the deflation.

Targeting the source — oil prices. As the largest crude producer, Saudi Arabia could lead OPEC to cut oil supply to raise the oil price. Since oil demand is price-inelastic, a supply cut raises price more than proportionately, so export revenue rises — restoring the funds the government needs to spend, which then raises AD and reverses deflation. The risks: too sharp a cut helps rival US shale producers stay in business, and if the price fall is driven by weak global demand, a supply cut may not lift the price.

Targeting the source — rentals. To reverse falling rentals, the government could cut land sales (lowering future property supply) or raise demand (e.g. relaxing foreign-labour policy to admit more expatriates), raising rentals and, through higher costs, easing the deflation via cost-push pressure. But cutting land sales acts slowly — properties already under construction keep adding to supply — and relaxing foreign labour is politically hard given Saudi Arabia’s high (>12%) and youth (~25%) unemployment.

Judgement. Oil exporters should target the sources of the deflation before relying on fiscal stimulus. The decisive consideration is the fiscal constraint: because oil export revenue is these governments’ main funding source, as long as oil revenue is depressed they cannot run an effective expansionary fiscal policy — VAT and subsidy cuts raise some revenue, but not enough. Raising the oil price by cutting supply is therefore the priority, since it both reverses the deflation’s principal cause and restores the revenue needed to spend; among the source-targeting measures it is also the fastest, since OPEC quotas adjust quickly, whereas land-sale cuts feed through only over years and demand-side rental measures are politically blocked by the unemployment situation. The defensible stand is that raising oil revenue must come first; fiscal stimulus is effective only after that revenue is restored — with the caveat that even source-targeting is limited in the short run if the underlying weakness is a soft global economy.